Routledge Library Editions

1. Introduction; 1.1. Overview 1.1.1. What this dissertation is about 1.1.2. Context change: Pragmatic vs. semantic approaches 1.2. The Stalnakerian Model of Presupposition and Assertion 1.3. Dynamic Semantics 1.3.1. The Fundamentals 1.3.2. File Change Semantics (FCS) and the CCP proposal 1.3.3. Discourse Representation Theory (DRT) 1.3.4. Dynamic Montague Grammar (DMG) Notes to Chapter One; 2. Disjunctive Sentences In Discourse; 2.1. Introduction 2.2. The Discourse Function and Felicity Conditions of Disjunction 2.2.1. The Basic Observations 2.2.2. Relation and Manner in the Stalnakerian Model 2.3. The Enriched Context Change Framework 2.3.1. Presentation 2.3.2. Disjunction and the Relevant Informativity Condition 2.3.3. Disjunction and Simplicity 2.3.4. Disjunction and Roothâs Alternative Semantics 2.3.5. Summary 2.4. Some Exceptions 2.4.1. Floutings 2.4.2. Reasoning contexts 2.4.3. Metalinguistic or 2.5. The Exclusive Interpretation of or 2.5.1. Critique of the ambiguity account 2.5.2. Gazdarâs (1979) account 2.5.3. Exclusivity from exhaustiveness 2.5.4. Exclusivity from alternativeness 2.5.5. Summary 2.6. Conclusion Notes to Chapter Two; 3. Presupposition Projection; 3.1. Introduction 3.1.1. The Basic Question 3.1.2. The Theoretical Issues 3.2. The Data 3.3. The Satisfaction Account of Presupposition Projection 3.3.1. Basics of the Satisfaction Account 3.3.2. CCPs for disjunction 3.3.3. Critique 3.4. Towards a New Account 3.4.1. Gazdarâs cancellation theory 3.4.2. The accommodation view: Van der Sandt (1992) 3.4.3. Translating DRSs into Stalnakerian contexts 3.5. The Account in Action 3.5.1. Basic cases 3.5.2. Entailing disjunctions again 3.5.3. Beaverâs counterexample 3.6. Conclusion Notes to Chapter Three; 4. Internal Anaphora; 4.1. Introduction 4.2. Anaphora-based Accounts in Dynamic Semantic Theories 4.2.1. DMG: Groenendijk and Stokhof (1990) 4.2.2. DRT: Kamp and Reyle (1993) 4.2.3. A second DRT proposal: Krahmer and Muskens (1994) 4.2.4. Van der Sandt (1992) revisited 4.3. A Felicity-based Approach 4.3.1. Introduction to the account 4.3.2. The E-type account of anaphora 4.3.3. A felicity-based solution to the internal anaphora puzzle 4.3.4. Summary 4.4. Further Data 4.4.1. Narrow scope antecedents 4.4.2. Non-E-type unbound anaphora 4.4.3. Pleonastic pronouns 4.5. Conclusion Notes to Chapter Four; 5. External Anaphora; 5.1. Introduction 5.2. The Basic Data 5.2.1. Anaphora to a disjunction of NPs 5.2.2. Clausal disjunction 5.3. A First Reformulation of the E-type Account 5.4. A Compositional Structural E-type Account 5.4.1. Presentation 5.4.2. Comparison with Chapter Four account 5.4.3. Narrow scope antecedents 5.5. Application to the External Anaphora Data 5.5.1. Anaphora to a disjunction of NPs 5.5.2. Anaphora to clausal disjunctions 5.5.3. Summary 5.6. The Single-antecedent Reading 5.6.1. Derivation of single-antecedent readings 5.6.2. Maximal quantifier antecedents 5.6.3. Summary 5.7. Other Approaches to External Anaphora 5.8. Further Issues for the E-type Account 5.8.1. Inference-based anaphora 5.8.2. Interpretation of plural pronouns 5.8.3. Anaphora to NP disjuncts and conjuncts 5.9. Conclusion Notes to Chapter Five; Concluding Remarks; Grice, Stalnaker and Dynamic Semantics; Appendix; Bibliography; Index