Logical Form

Acknowledgments viii

List of Abbreviations ix

1 An Introduction 1

1 The Grammatical Locus of Semantic Interpretation 1

2 Two Ways of Identifying LF 3

3 Studying LF 5

2 Motivating LF 10

1 Interpreting LF 11

2 The Empty Category Principle at LF 13

3 Cross Over Effects at LF 21

4 Bound Pronouns 23

5 Conclusion 28

Appendix Subjacency 28

3 More on LF 35

1 Relative Quantifier Scope 35

1.1 Aoun and Li (1989) 35

1.2 Aoun and Li (1993a) 40

2 The Relative Scope of WHs and Quantifiers 44

2.1 The Problem 44

2.2 Generalized Binding and Variable Types 46

2.3 MBR and WH/Q Structures 47

3 Antecedent-contained Deletion (ACD) 53

4 Conclusion 58

4 Some Minimalist Background 59

1 Where We Are 59

2 Where We Are Going: Outlines of a Minimalist Theory 62

2.1 LF and PF as the Sole Grammatical Levels 63

2.2 Basic Grammatical Relations are X’-theoretic 67

2.3 Elements Move to Satisfy Morphological Requirements 69

3 Conclusion 71

5 Antecedent-Contained Deletion 72

1 Baltin (1987) on ACD 73

2 Larson and May's Reply 74

3 ACDs and Minimalism 78

4 A Minimalist Theory of ACDs 79

5 Adjunct ACDs 84

6 Further Implications 87

7 ACDs and LF V-raising: Some Cross-linguistic Considerations 91

8 Conclusion 96

Appendix 1 Nominative Objects 97

Appendix 2 Just Where is LF? 98

6 Linking, Binding, and Weak Cross Over 99

1 Introduction 99

2 Linked Pronouns 100

3 Stating the Weak Cross Over Principle 106

4 The WCOP and Minimalism. 110

5 A Further Consequence: Linking and Quantifier/WH Interactions 111

6 A Loose End: Reanalyzing “almost c-command” 118

7 Conclusion 122

7 Superiority Effects 123

1 Introduction 123

2 Superiority and Functional WHs 125

3 Further Facts: Multiple Which Questions 130

4 Some Comparative Superiority Data 135

4.1 Languages with Multiply Fronted WHs 135

4.2 Subject Postposing and Superiority 141

4.3 Superiority in Clauses with Three WHs 143

4.4 Anti-superiority Effects in Japanese 144

4.5 Multiple Interrogatives with “Why” 147

4.6 Yes/No Questions 150

4.7 Concluding Remarks 151

5 Conclusion 152

8 Quantifier Scope 153

1 Introduction: Basic Assumptions 153

2 Subject and Object Quantified NPs 155

3 Scope Restrictions 158

4 Chinese Quantifiers 164

5 Weak Cross Over Superiority, and Polarity 165

6 Some Further Benefits of Eliminating QR 171

7 Two Residual Cases 175

7.1 Prepositional Objects 175

7.2 Double Object Constructions (DOCs) 177

8 Conclusion 180

9 Revisiting the Minimalist Program 183

1 The Status of LF 183

2 Chains and their Properties 186

3 Derivational Constraints on Chains 192

4 PF Chains 195

5 “Pure” Subject/Object Asymmetries 197

6 Conclusion 201

Notes 203

Bibliography 253

Index 259